It can be said that China’s recent activities in the East Sea have continued challenging international law and violating the sovereignty and sovereign rights of other countries. On 18 June 2008 the two governments achieved an agreement, following lengthy negotiations, on joint approaches to the exploitation of hydrocarbons in the East China Sea through the conclusion of a bilateral treaty (2). Beijing did not formally consult with other countries The Chinese ADIZ, declared in late 2013, has bolstered China’s aerial presence in the region. That could then actually encourage China to stage a clash. In FY2014, Japan scrambled its fighters 943 times — on par with its previous record set in 1984. These are issues over which states might well choose to start a war. Blinken said Washington stood with the Philippines and other south-east Asian countries resisting pressure from Beijing, which has laid claim to wide areas of the South China Sea. Malaysia disputes part of the Chinese claim to about 90% of the South China Sea. They have a motive to bring on a clash with Japan—perhaps by deliberately staging an “accidental” exchange of fire—while there is someone in the White House who they think will not have that kind of nerve. In an international security environment described as one of renewed great power competition,1 the South China Sea (SCS) has emerged as an arena of U.S.-China strategic competition. The best and perhaps only way to do that is to persuade Beijing that their assumptions about how such a war would go are wrong. The more Obama commits himself to support Japan, the worse it will look for America, and the better it will look for China, if he doesn’t. None of this suggests that conflict in the East China Sea is inevitable, or even that it is probable. While China and ASEAN are committed to maintaining stability in the South China Sea, he expressed regret that the process has suffered from constant sabotage by non-regional countries… Southeast/Southeastern Asia is a region of the Asian continent that consists of countries located east of India, south of China, north of Australia, west of New Guinea, and south of China. Within only two hours, the ministers discussed serious issues in the East Sea. U.S.-China strategic 1616 Rhode Island Avenue, NW And while Beijing has reportedly only enforced the zone once, and not against Japanese aircraft, any attempt to do so in future could provoke a crisis. Chinese aerial incursions have been steadily rising since 2012, with PLAAF aircraft increasingly willing to test the limits of their Japanese counterparts. The South China Sea is known in Vietnam as the East Sea. There must be a big temptation for Beijing to put America’s position in Asia to this much sterner test, in the hope that it will crack. Hugh White is professor of strategic studies at the Australian National University in Canberra. The Chinese coast guards and marine surveillance forces have supported more than 2,000 Chinese fishing boats to spread operations to the South in order to exercise real sovereignty control over the East Sea. The East China Sea extends to the east to the chain of the Ryukyu Islands; north to Kyushu, which is the southernmost of Japan’s main islands; northwest to Cheju Island off South Korea; and hence west to China. The islands are simply tokens in a contest to define the roles and status of Asia’s great powers over coming decades. We can see why if we look back half a century. Shortly before the crisis broke in October 1962, Kennedy had publicly promised to prevent Moscow from deploying missiles to Cuba. Washington has done exactly as Beijing hoped, by sending distinctly mixed messages about what it might do in a crisis. Half of these scrambles were made against targets in the area southwest of Kyushu, nearest the Senkaku Islands. Now Chinese entry into the Japanese-administered waters around the Senkakus has become a regular affair, with a dedicate… The JCG unit dedicated to patrolling the Senkakus has also been bolstered with 10 new 1,500-ton patrol ships and two helicopter-equipped vessels, deployed in early April to prevent the need for other coast guard units to help respond to Chinese patrols, as has been the case in recent years. What about Japan? I think Beijing probably is quite confident of that, because they assume that Washington recognizes that America could not win an East China Sea conflict, and would be deterred from starting one for fear that it would escalate toward a nuclear exchange (I have explained this reasoning here). But these competing patrols still bear risks due to the unknowns—whether a technical malfunction in contested waters, a misread signal, an accidental collision, or the intervention of protestors or rogue fishermen could cause an otherwise routine encounter to spin out of control. Washington, DC 20036. Except for China, the other claimants in the South China Sea (Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam) are members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the countries … China keeps militarizing islands and rocks, increases its forces and activities in the East Sea, and pressures and deters the countries involved in the East Sea disputes. They already make the risk of war dangerously high. That was why he sent the missiles to Cuba. The stress of constantly responding to the Chinese air activities has also imposed opportunity costs for training in the Japanese fighter force, raising concerns that the demands of responding to the level of Chinese air activity could lead to the erosion of the JASDF’s combat readiness. Japan is scrambling its fighters at Cold War levels in response to intrusions by both Russian bombers from the north and Chinese combat aircraft in the south. Much has been made of the Haijing 2901 – a new CCG ship displacing over 10,000 tons, which was deployed to the East China Sea in 2015 and is expected to join patrols around the Senkakus in the future. So far, they seem to have been right. Mounting tensions over the disputed Senkaku Islands have been a constant in Sino-Japanese relations since Tokyo purchased three of the five islands in 2012. However, there is a risk that Beijing might respond—as Khrushchev did to Kennedy—to Obama’s less-than-credible affirmation of U.S. support to Japan, seeing it as an opportunity to call his bluff and damage his, and America’s, credibility in Asia. HÀ NỘI — The Vietnamese Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Wednesday issued a statement, saying that Việt Nam welcomes other countries’ stance on the East Sea (internationally known as the South China Sea) issue in line with international law. He therefore decided to call Kennedy’s bluff, make him back down, and gain a psychological and political advantage. These ships are larger than a U.S. Arleigh Burke-class destroyer. This would be the largest coast guard vessel in the world, rivaled only by its sister ship, the Haijing 3901, which is set to patrol the South China Sea in the coming years. (Whether Beijing would be right to assume that without U.S. support they would more willingly accept Chinese leadership is a separate question, of course. Minamikojima (front), Kitakojima (middle right) and Uotsuri (background) are the tiny islands in the East China Sea, called Senkaku in Japanese and Diaoyu in Chinese. In 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) in The Hague issued a ruling rejecting all illegal sovereignty claims of China in the East Sea. He needs to look carefully at how exactly America could prevail over China militarily. Few people believe that either China or Japan would deliberately start a war in the East China Sea. Beijing has clearly decided that the Senkaku/Diaoyu dispute provides a perfect opportunity to demonstrate America’s wavering commitment to its allies. Is there any risk that Tokyo might decide deliberately to start an armed clash with China? In the East China Sea, Beijing regularly uses maritime law enforcement ships and aircraft to assert its sovereignty claims over the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands which are claimed by both Japan and China. Likewise, the JCG is highly professional and experienced at avoiding escalation with its Chinese counterparts. As early as the 1970s, countries began to claim islands and various zones in the South China Sea, such as the Spratly Islands, which possess rich natural resources and fishing areas. This suggests that Obama should be very wary about bold affirmations of commitment to defend Japan, unless he can be sure that China will believe them. In preparation for such an eventuality, and presumably to deter against China employing naval vessels first, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said on January 12 that under a new policy, JMSDF assets could engage in “maritime policing operation[s]” if foreign warships enter Japanese territorial waters under a pretense other than “innocent passage.” It is still unclear whether this could apply to repurposed PLAN ships now in the CCG. The East China Sea is believed to contain significant quantities of hydrocarbon resources, which could benefit both China and Japan in their quests to diversify their energy supplies. The Sea of Japan is connected with the East China Sea in the south via the Tsushima and Korea straits and with the … To its east China is faced with two nation-state archipelagos, the Philippines with over 7,000 islands in its chain to the southeast, and Japan with over 6,800 islands to its northeast. Patrols by Chinese government and nongovernment vessels within the territorial sea around the Senkakus spiked dramatically in late-2012 and 2013. As tensions between Japan and China continue to bubble over islands in the East China Sea, scholars from the two countries outline not only the origins, but also the policy options to resolve the territorial dispute. On the face of it this seems a much less likely possibility, but it cannot be dismissed completely. Last week, Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi lodged a protest against China for sending its naval assets into … Such dangerously close approaches are not the norm, but highlight the possibility that frequent scrambles could eventually lead to an accidental midair collision. China claims almost all of the energy-rich South China Sea, which is also a major trade route. As I have argued elsewhere, China’s primary aim is to strengthen its leadership in Asia and undermine America’s. His book The China Choice: Why We Should Share Power was published in the US last year by Oxford University Press. Patrols by Chinese government and nongovernment vessels within the territorial sea around the Senkakus spiked dramatically in late-2012 and 2013. Students of history will see some echoes here of the thinking which brought Japan to Pearl Harbour in 1941. Amid China’s ongoing overhaul of its military and the 2013 consolidation of its maritime law enforcement agencies into the unified CCG, these transfers and the construction of newer, larger patrol vessels show that Beijing is making its coast guard buildup a strategic priority. But they might think Japan would be better off knowing now that America will not protect them from China, rather than remaining uncertain. This is the only country with a competing South China Sea claim that is likely to go against … The absolute number of patrols fell a little more than a year after Tokyo’s purchase of the islands, but remained dramatically higher than pre-2012 levels. In 2014, two Chinese Su-27 fighters came within 100 and 165 feet, respectively, of two Japanese military aircraft inside the overlap between the Japanese and Chinese Air Defense Identification Zones (ADIZ) over the East China Sea. He believed Kennedy would not risk war to back up his promise, because Khrushchev did not believe that Soviet missiles in Cuba would materially affect U.S. security, and he didn’t believe Kennedy would think they would either. They could well think that time is not on their side. But the relatively quiet, if still tense, status quo around the Senkakus masks worrying trends that suggest a new, more dangerous phase of the dispute could be on the horizon. To do that he needs to do more than just boast about America’s unmatched military power, because Beijing does not buy that line anymore. China has modified several naval warships and redeployed them as coast guard ships to help patrol the Senkakus. They are also much better armed than most coast guard vessels, though in the law enforcement field, where ramming or shouldering is more likely than an exchange of fire, the extra mass alone could tip the balance in any contest. This northern boundary, roughly a line from Cheju Island to the mouth of the Yangtze River (Chiang Jiang) on China’s eastern … And it also suggests we need to move quickly. Let’s start with China. If so, China’s leaders might be tempted to stage an incident against Japan while Obama is still in the White House. That gives Beijing a motive to move sooner rather than later in testing U.S. resolve. These are not remote possibilities, of course. But the dispute has never been about territory. It is not hard to imagine Japanese leaders like Shinzo Abe concluding that if Japan must in the future stand on its own against China without U.S. support, the sooner this becomes clear, the better. By removing their anti-ship and surface to air missiles, alongside their heaviest guns, these former navy ships-still better armed than most coast guard vessels-give China a sizeable advantage in standoffs with other law enforcement ships. In 2015, that average had grown to over 3,200 tons. Now Chinese entry into the Japanese-administered waters around the Senkakus has become a regular affair, with a dedicated patrol unit of the Japan Coast Guard (JCG) often responding to multiple groups of China Coast Guard (CCG) or other affiliated ships entering the territorial sea in a single day. I think there is a real possibility that fighting might be started deliberately by one side or the other, and unless we understand the circumstances that might prompt that step from either side, we will not be able to take steps to avoid them. They are not worth a military conflict to anyone. For the last four years, Chinese coast guard vessels have regularly patrolled in the vicinity of the East China Sea islands and have often entered within the 12-nautical-mile territorial sea around the Senkakus, engaging in a cat-and-mouse game with their Japanese counterparts tasked with maintaining Tokyo’s control over the features. There are disputes between China, Japan, and South Korea over the extent of their respective exclusive economic zones (EEZs) in the East China Sea. Of course, that would only be a temptation if Beijing was very confident that Washington would indeed let Japan down. It is easy to assume that tensions in the East China Sea have settled into a new equilibrium, with developments in the South China Sea dominating international headlines. More worrying over the long-term is that, while the total number of Chinese ships patrolling the Senkakus has been relatively constant, their size is steadily increasing. In the East China Sea, Chinese naval warships recently sailed through the Miyako Strait that lies between Japanese islands of Miyako and Okinawa. Although Japan is not among the claimants in the South China Sea, this is not its first foray into those turbulent waters. Tokyo understands that the increasing size and capabilities of CCG vessels around the Senkakus present a unique challenge—sooner or later JCG counterparts could face a situation in which they cannot maintain their decades-long administrative control over the waters around the islets, at least without assistance from the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Forces (JMSDF). © Copyright 2021 Center for the National Interest All Rights Reserved, China or Japan would deliberately start a war in the East China Sea, a contest to define the roles and status of Asia’s great powers, China’s threatening military actions around the islands have stoked Japanese anxieties about whether, in the event of a clash, America would provide military support, America could not win an East China Sea conflict, and the evident ambivalence about the much-hyped “pivot” to Asia, which is exactly what Obama said in Tokyo in late April, Recent scholarship suggests that Khrushchev, The China Choice: Why We Should Share Power. 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